Sliding the sludge from the Fed to the Treasury
plus Bad Economics with DeLong and Krugman and a note on the public option from Uwe Reinhardt
07.01.09
The current fable that is being promulgated in Washington is that the Fed was an unwilling participant in backstopping the banks. Taking onto its balance sheet the toxicity of the securitized mess and the troubles of AIG is reportedly fiscal policy that was somehow delegated to the Fed in an emergency. It is a concern on the Street that the Fed is no longer quote independent unquote.
The spin is supposed to end up with the Treasury taking on the garbage that the Fed has contracted for. What a great idea!
But this is blarney. Ben Bernanke is the primary proponent of the save the banks first strategy for dealing with a financial breakdown. He made his academic reputation on this theory and he spared no effort in attempting to prove it when he became top banker. He was no unwilling participant.
It would be a big mistake to ratify his screw-up by letting the taxpayer accept it through the Treasury.
Bernanke was the draftsman of the scheme, albeit not the architect. In fact, the Fed is not independent. It is captive to the banks. Bernanke was chosen for his banks-first position and he has followed their line closely.
As Chris Whalen of Institutional Risk Analytics said in the testimony we read last time,
We will continue with Whalen’s testimony in a moment, but the larger point is this. There is no getting by with a financial sector that runs the central bank. There is no realistic scenario in which the banks get bailed out of their incredible blunders and the economy survives for the rest of us. The current window dressing notwithstanding.
This answer is a favorite on Wall Street because it continues the employment of those who work there. This is not efficient, nor even viable, in the long term, nor in the medium term, and is pretty hard to choke down in the short term.
It is not a choice between the GOOD, a corporate solution which may be a bit less efficient and a bit more costly, and the BEST, a restructuring and resolution of things. It is a choice between fixing it now or fixing it later at a higher cost. Or if it doesn’t get fixed, breaking the economy entirely.
Now we continue with excerpts of Chris Whalen’s testimony before a subcommittee of the Senate Banking Committee, link online, or just google Chris W-H-A-L-E-N Senate Banking Testimony June 22.
The entire family of OTC derivatives must be divided into types of contracts for which there is a clear, visible cash market and those contracts for which the basis is obscure or non-existent. A currency or interest rate or natural gas swap OTC contract is clearly linked to the underlying cash markets or the “basis” of these derivative contracts, thus both buyers and sellers have reasonable access to price information, and the transaction meets the basic test of fairness that has traditionally governed American financial regulation and consumer protection.
With CDS and more obscure types of CDOs and other complex mortgage and loan securitizations, however, the basis of the derivative is non-existent or difficult/expensive to observe and calculate, thus the creators of these instruments in the dealer community employ “models” that purport to price these derivatives. The buyer of CDS or CDOs has no access to such models and thus really has no idea whatsoever how the dealer valued the OTC derivative. More, the models employed by the dealers are almost always and uniformly wrong, and are thus completely useless to value the CDS or CDO. The results of this unfair, deceptive market is visible for all to see – and yet the large dealers, including JPM, BAC and GS continue to lobby the Congress to preserve the CDS and CDO markets in their current speculative form.
In my view, CDS contracts and complex structured assets are deceptive by design and beg the question as to whether a certain level of complexity is so speculative and reckless as to violate US securities and anti-fraud laws. That is, if an OTC derivative contract lacks a clear cash basis and cannot be valued by both parties to the transaction with the same degree of facility and transparency as cash market instruments, then the OTC contact should be treated as fraudulent and banned as a matter of law and regulation. Most CDS contracts and complex structured financial instruments fall into this category of deliberately fraudulent instruments for which no cash basis exists.
What should offend the Congress about the CDS market is not just that it is deceptive by design, which it is; not just that it is a deliberate evasion of established norms of transparency and safety and soundness, norms proven in practice by the great bilateral cash and futures exchanges over decades; not that CDS is a retrograde development in terms of the public supervision and regulation of financial markets, something that gets too little notice; and not that CDS is a manifestation of the sickly business models inside the largest zombie money center banks, business values which consume investor value in multi-billion dollar chunks. No, what should bother the Congress and all Americans about the CDS market is that is violates the basic American principle of fairness and fair dealing.
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To that point, consider the judgment of Benjamin M. Friedman, writing in The New York Review of Books on May 28, 2009, “The Failure of the Economy & the Economists.” He describes the CDS market in a very concise way and in layman’s terms. I reprint his comments with the permission of NYRB:
“But what makes credit default swaps like betting on the temperature is that, in the case of many if not most of these contracts, the volume of swaps outstanding far exceeds the amount of debt the specified company owes. Most of these swaps therefore have nothing to do with allocating genuine losses of wealth. Instead, they are creating additional losses for whoever bet incorrectly, exactly matched by gains for the corresponding winners. And, ironically, if those firms that bet incorrectly fail to pay what they owe-as would have happened if the government had not bailed out the insurance company AIG-the consequences might impose billions of dollars’ worth of economic costs that would not have occurred otherwise.
“This fundamental distinction, between sharing in losses to the economy and simply being on the losing side of a bet, should surely matter for today’s immediate question of which insolvent institutions to rescue and which to let fail. The same distinction also has implications for how to reform the regulation of our financial markets once the current crisis is past. For example, there is a clear case for barring institutions that might be eligible for government bailouts-including not just banks but insurance companies like AIG-from making such bets in the future. It is hard to see why they should be able to count on taxpayers’ money if they have bet the wrong way. But here as well, no one seems to be paying attention.”
While an argument can be made that currency, interest rate and energy swaps are functionally interchangeable with existing forward instruments, the credit derivative market raises a troubling question about whether the activity creates value or helps manage risk on a systemic basis. It is my view and that of many other observers that the CDS market is a type of tax or lottery that actually creates net risk and is thus a drain on the resources of the economic system. Simply stated, CDS and CDO markets currently are parasitic. These markets subtract value from the global markets and society by increasing risk and then shifting that bigger risk to the least savvy market participants.
Seen in this context, AIG was the most visible “sucker” identified by Wall Street, an easy mark that was systematically targeted and drained of capital by JPM, GS and other CDS dealers, in a striking example of predatory behavior. Treasury Secretary Geithner, acting in his previous role of President of the FRBNY, concealed the rape of AIG by the major OTC dealers with a bailout totaling into the hundreds of billions in public funds.
Indeed, it is my view that every day the OTC CDS market is allowed to continue in its current form, systemic risk increases because the activity, on net, consumes value from the overall market - like any zero sum, gaming activity. And for every large, overt failure in the CDS markets such as AIG, there are dozens of lesser losses from OTC derivatives buried by the professional managers of funds and financial institutions in the same way that gamblers hide their bad bets. The only beneficiaries of the current OTC market for derivatives are JPM, GS and the other large OTC dealers.
It is a bitter reality that we have bailed out a predatory and parasitic activity, and that activity continues to drain the economy.
Brad DeLong and Paul Krugman have been sort of tag-teaming the Great Ignorance which seems to have overtaken much of the economics profession — the “rediscovery” of old fallacies about deficit spending and interest rates, presented as if they were deep insights, the bizarre arguments presented by economists with sterling reputations.
Now, no doubt this is partly about politics, which, as Brad says, makes some people stop thinking like economists.
But there’s something else, says Krugman. Doing real macroeconomics — the tradition that runs through Keynes and Hicks — actually involves thinking about interdependent markets, in a way many economists never learn to do. At minimum you have to keep straight the relationships among the markets for goods, bonds, and money; if you try to think about either interest rates or the price level in terms of just a single market — interest rates determined by supply and demand for lending, price level by quantity of money, full stop — you get it all wrong, especially in times like the present.
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It’s a sad story, says Krugman, and it may have real negative consequences for the world.
Brad DeLong
returns the serve
http://delong.typepad.com/sdj/2009/06/paul-krugman-urges-greg-mankiw-to-pay-more-attention-to-quality-control.html
citing a Krugman post on health care.
But this is not how Mankiw or Becker approach it. When an economist thinks about nominal demand, he or she thinks about (a) the money stock and (b) the determinants of velocity–the incentives people have to spend their money quickly or to tend to hoard it. But that is not how Lucas or Barro think when they claim that fiscal policy cannot affect nominal demand.
that from Brad DeLong.
But the Barros, Lucases, Beckers and Mankiws are to me simply hacks selected for their politics, not economists who have selected political parties. The chairs they occupy and the position in the profession are well feathered by the interests they promote and defend.
To complete the story, here is the piece which occasioned the DeLong-Krugman observations.
Live long and prosper: Via Andrew Gelman, Greg Mankiw describes the use of international comparisons of life expectancy as part of the argument for reform as “schlocky.” Grrr. Not many serious advocates of reform use the life expectancy differences to argue that health care is clearly better in other advanced countries than it is in the United States; when it comes to care, the general assessment seems to be that it’s comparable, with no advanced country having a clear advantage. The reform argument actually goes like this:
1. Every other advanced country has universal coverage, protecting its citizens from the financial risks of uninsurance as well as ensuring that everyone gets basic care.
2. They do this while spending far less on health care than we do.
3. Yet they don’t seem to do worse in overall health results.
So Greg suggests that maybe it’s all because we have an unhealthier lifestyle — what Ezra Klein calls the well-we-eat-more-cheeseburgers argument…. [W]e’re spending 6 or 7 percent of GDP more on health care than other countries — call it a trillion dollars a year — without any clear advantage. That’s not the sort of thing you wave away with a casual suggestion that maybe we have bad habits…. [Second,] people have thought about this — and tried hard to measure it… the huge McKinsey Research Institute… tried to quantify the costs of lifestyle-related issues — and found that it didn’t explain much. Third, read Atul Gawande!
Bottom line: this is the most important domestic policy issue we face. It deserves more than casual just-so stories about how the kids American health care might, despite all appearances, be all right.
Now to clear the taste of bad economics from our mouths, let’s turn to a real expert, Uwe Reinhardt from Princeton, an acknowledged expert and clear thinker.
REINHARDT
So.
Good economics requires a health care solution. The public option is a health care solution. It is required.












