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The commodities bubble verified by 60 Minutes

Posted in Uncategorized by demandside on January 18th, 2009

Plus David Goldman on the banking sector, and commentary:  Bernanke is pushing the wrong buttons.  His “up” is “economy down.”

Monday’s Backcast with 60 minutes and David Goldman

The commodities bubble you have been hearing about here on Demand Side for the past year has finally gone mainstream with its appearance on 60 minutes recently.  Well, almost.  At least the oil bubble went mainstream.

INSERT 60 MINUTES

The oil bubble is only part of the broader commodities bubble.  A fact which eludes this report.  Demand Side predicted the commodities bubble in November 2007, near its beginning, as investment money fled the housing market and looked for a home outside a stock market on the verge of a recession.  Commodity prices were rising.  It seemed like a good inflation hedge.  The bubble began.

In fact, our call of Recession AND Inflation in October 07 was based on the impact of rising commodity prices.  We podcast the Senate hearings on speculation in the commodities markets, particularly oil, in June 08, and in July we jumped up and down on the fact that the commodities bubble was collapsing.

That supply and demand was never, in spite of such a large chorus, the cause of these price spikes is not just a footnote now that the episode is over.  It is evidence of yet another gouging of the economies of billions of people by the financial sector.  Investors in this topheavy capitalism have nothing real in which to invest.  The value of their assets is now exposed as a fraction of what was assumed.  They now flock to Treasuries in hopes that stable nominal values will mean stable real values.  But the fact is, a necessary inflation will find them out here as well.

The irony of bidding up the price of commodities as a hedge against inflation strikes me only now, but that is what happened.  It was not oil, but all commodities.  In spite of the obvious structure of China and India as exporters to the United States, their demand was assumed to be independent of the impending U.S. recession.

The assumption that oil prices were reacting not to financial markets, but finally to the fundamentals of peak oil and emerging markets, was a universal assumption.  Except here on Demand Side.  I overstate this, because in fact, many of those closest to the commodities markets smelled the fish rotting.  Still, long after the collapse of oil, grain, livestock, metals, natural gas and the rest of the commodities, the phenomenon of the bubble is ignored.

While the price rise and fall is in the rear view mirror, commodities are part and parcel of the global economic downturn.

Now turning to another essential concern of the current collapse is something we spoke of on Friday, saying we were all alone in a field waving our arms about the dangers of the Bernanke fever to save the large banking institutions.  But here is David Goldman, with perhaps the best credentials of any hedge fund manager extant, in that he closed down his fund last year before the collapse, and everyone got their money back.

Goldman has been right when everyone else has been wrong.  And here he is right when he points out that the Federal Reserve is rapidly taking on the cast of a zombie megabank.

GOLDMAN

It’s hard to say Bernanke doesn’t know what he is doing when he is operating on a clear and definite set of premises.  The premises, unfortunately, are wrong.  Beginning with monetary expansion will generate economic expansion and ending with the notion that the credit and banking system can be saved only by keeping the businesses that broke the system afloat.

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Joseph Stiglitz

Posted in Uncategorized by demandside on January 18th, 2009

unedited interview with the Financial Times, week of January 11, 2009

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Mulling the multiplier

Posted in Uncategorized by demandside on January 15th, 2009

A trillion dollars into an economy in freefall - the measure of uncertainty.

Picking up where we left off in our rudimentary, but oddly original approach to the multiplier and stimulus, we were examining the two parts:  government outlay and multiplier.

And yes, following this, we will get to Jeffrey Sachs piece or part of it in the latest edition of Time Magazine.

The story today is still our getting a handle on what makes a good stimulus, and in particular, sorting through the dynamics of the multiplier.  The president elect is out today with a more detailed description of his stimulus package.  Last week we heard from Christina Romer and Jared Bernstein, top economists in the incoming administration, describing what the stimulus value of the program is.

Economists from all sides try to give a sense of certainty about their projections, no less so here from Demand Side.  But when we are talking about a trillion dollar government program into an economy in free fall, we are talking about uncertainty.  And indeed, uncertainty affects the outcomes.  So it is up to us today to just consider the elements and give ourselves a way of seeing what is happening as events go forward.

Government outlay can come in two broad forms:  tax cuts and government spending.  The multiplier is the inverse of the savings rate.  I misspoke earlier by saying it is the inverse of the consumption function.  Now I have to explain it, so bear with me.  The multiplier is the sum of an infinite progression of the consumption function, in its abstract purity.  That is, one person’s spending is another’s income and the second’s spending is the next person’s income and so on.  So the sum of all spending is the multiplier, as I said, in abstract purity.

As many of you may know, the sum of an infinite geometric progression is one over one minus the rate.  Since one minus the consumption function is the savings rate, one over one minus the consumption function is one over the savings rate.  One over is the inverse.  the inverse of the savings rate is the multiplier.

In a moment I’m going to just list things to think about, for your consideration, but  from among those, I want to highlight a couple.  One is, the tendency to consume varies widely by who is doing the consuming and what part of their income is being augmented by the government outlay.  Two, we are talking about spending on current consumption.  Payment on debt is equivalent to not spending.  A society burdened by debt may find its multiplier significantly retarded.

The term stimulus seems to have two meanings, one is the government outlay, the government stimulus, and the other is the bang for the buck.  We will use the term stimulus value as equivalent to bang for the buck, and government outlay as the first. The target of the outlays determines the stimulus value because it selects the multiplier.  For example, huge outlays in tax cuts to the rich will have very little stimulus value because the rich do not spend out of current income, but rather out of accumulated wealth.  Increased spending on education would have a very high multiplier because virtually one hundred percent of the spending would go to jobs or students, and the tendency to spend out of these receipts would be fairly high.

Our first critique of the Romer-Bernstein report on the president’s recovery and reinvestment bill has to do with a false precision in the multipliers assigned to tax cuts and spending.  Perhaps it is necessary for the sake of public consumption to be general, but the report identifies a time lag function very precisely, by quarter, which is also suspect.

As I said,  it is beyond our capacity in this format to set down a logical or even linear discussion of the multiplier, so I’m just going to hit some bullets.  Things to think about and watch.

  • There are some algebraic certainties.  If all income were saved or spent in the current period, the multiplier would be the inverse of the savings rate.
  • This means a savings rate of five percent would generate a multiplier of twenty, light years above the top Romer/Bernstein multiplier of 1.57.  That is, 95 percent of income is spent.  The multiplier is the inverse of one over one minus this consumption function.  The inverse of this is twenty.
  • Therefore not all income that is spent is spent on current consumption.  Well, duh.  There’s a big bunch at mortgages and credit.  Another part could be spent on imports.  Some could be put into assets, but there would be a seller there.  Assuming this buying and selling is done without spending any of the proceeds, this could suck up some more.
  • But in the end, could this be as much as fifty percent of one’s income?  Well, it must be, because the multiplier is not close to ten, either.  And remember, this is pre-tax income, because one hundred percent of taxes are spent in the current time period.
  • Perhaps all of one’s normal bills are excluded from this multiplier.  Utilities, rent, credit arrangements, and so on, after all have a financing horizon that is not dependent on new income.  Or do they?
  • We are of the opinion that while the echo of payments from one actor to the next are not very direct in a credit economy, they are nonetheless substantial.
  • So we are of the opinion that the multiplier as described in the literature is far too low, just because this line of transmission is masked by the complexities of modern life.
  • A stimulus is only enacted in the presence of economic weakness, so the tendency to save may be higher, weakening the multiplier.  This was no doubt the fate of last spring’s tax rebates.
  • The increased economic activity from a stimulus in such a downturn may be masked by the absence of a decrease.  That is a zero improvement in employment after a stimulus may be replacing a minus three.  In a downturn private investment is contracting at the same time, so the effective stimulus is less.
  • One thing for certain, and this is no more obvious than now, the crowding out effect is an absurdity.  Government could spend through the roof without crowding out a dime of private investment, because there is no private investment and furthermore the financial sector which organizes private investment is broken.
  • One real world way of appreciating the effect of the multiplier is to remember the closing of military bases, which is a negative outlay.  Communities find business activity, property values and job opportunities dampened for years.  You will never see such mobilization of area businesses, hand wringing or teeth gnashing.  This is the death knell for the local community in many instances.
  • The consumption function is directly related to income.  This means it is lower for richer people, but it is also lower for marginal increases to income.  Tax cuts add a marginal, say $1,000, increase to a person’s income.  That person will tend to spend far less of this than he would for the first $1,000 of his income, or as a percentage for the first $10,000, and so on.
  • The tendency to spend is directly related to uncertainty, thus the consumption function and the multiplier are affected, dropping with uncertainty and rising with security.  This is not a good time to put the first decision in the hands of the individual.
  • Increasing security, as with improving the social safety net with, say, national health care or improved social security benefits, thus increases the consumption function and the stimulus value of any outlay.
  • A bigger stimulus may create a bigger multiplier.
  • The multiplier can work in the opposite direction, and it is with respect to private investment — identical in effect to government spending — and state and local government contraction.
  • Again, the multiplier relates to current spending, so it is lowered by debt payments in all regards.  Renegotiating mortgages to reduce debt loads is essential.

We at Demand Side are somewhat concerned that there is now stimulus fever, as once there was TARP fever and before that one or another Fed monetary expansion fever.  The market half of the economy is broken.  It needs to be fixed.

In honor of forecast Friday, I’d like to remind the faithful 39 that our demand side forecast, which suggests a grim short term, but a dramatic snap-back in the Q3 or Q4 assumes the following, which are all essential for recovery:

  1. An effective mortgage reworking plan to put the floor under the market one home at a time.
  2. Radical and effective reconstruction of the banking sector.  The Bernanke strategy of saving the banking institutions without requiring substantial reform is a failure.  Zombie megabanks now stand in the way of return to credit normalcy.  Instead, the regional and smaller banks who did not screw up should be rewarded with substantial capital infusions.  The derivative markets need to be immediately closed or regulated to coherent standards.  At present they are gambling operations.  Included in the needed reform is capture and control of an out-of-control Federal Reserve Board.  Its policies have not worked.  It is sowing real problems by continuing to prosecute them ever more aggressively.
  3. A large direct spending portion of stimulus.
  4. An improvement in the social safety net.

I like to call these last two the Keynesian and the New Deal parts of recovery.

Almost rising to the level of necessity, we feel, are the following:

  • The need to make order in the energy markets.  The price of gasoline is too low.  It is a market failure to charge a price that leads the society to its own demise.  A higher price is practical as a revenue source, as a needed support for alternative energy, and as discouragement for planet-killing use of fossil fuels.  Notice the tax proportion of fuel is not a drag on the economy because it generates jobs.  It is only the resource and profit component of oil that is a drag on the domestic economy.
  • An opening to the other nations of the world to reorganize the international trading scheme on more sound premises, including a mechanism to ensure obscene trade deficits or surpluses cannot continue for long, and to move aggressively to mitigate human misery caused by the breakdown of the capitalist markets, the collapse of commodity prices, and the wholesale flight of capital from developing economies.

Jeffrey Sachs

http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1870268,00.html

The Case for Bigger Government

Thirty years ago, Americans were told that government was part of the problem, not the solution. We bet on the magic of the marketplace, but the magic proved illusory. Every major part of the economy — health care, energy, transportation, food and finance — is deeply troubled. Now we are ready to invite government back in to help solve our problems, if the price is right and the strategies are convincing. By spending more through government and treating government as a partner rather than an enemy of the private sector, we can potentially save vast sums in the long run through a more efficient health-care system, safer climate, more competitive economy and more secure country.

President-elect Barack Obama’s challenge will be twofold: to capture the potential benefits of a new age of government activism, while still protecting the country’s long-term fiscal health. On Jan. 6, Obama warned that the cost of a major stimulus package and the continued effort to bail out the financial system could result in years of “trillion-dollar deficits.” Deficit spending is needed to help revive the economy from recession, but trillion-dollar deficits for years to come would sink us in debt and risk a collapse of the currency. We need a sensible strategy that deals with the present crisis while preparing for the future. We need more government, and to pay for it we’ll need to raise taxes relative to GDP over time.

Even as our economy worsened, many Americans consoled themselves with the belief that at least we were better off than people in other rich nations. No more. …

A big difference between the U.S. and the rest of the rich world is that for the past 30 years or so, Americans consistently rejected “government solutions” to the problems of health, poverty, education and the environment. We’ve kept our taxes as a share of national income lower than Europe’s by focusing on the private sector. But we’re getting much less for our money. Markets are great at providing consumer goods and services. We don’t want the government running our restaurants, movie houses, bookstores and manufacturers. Markets are not so good, though, at some very important things. A pressing example: our mostly private health system, at $8,000 per American, is twice the cost of Europe’s mostly public system, yet with worse outcomes. And nearly 50 million Americans lack health insurance.

President-elect Obama inherits the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression: the financial sector is in ruins; the budget is hemorrhaging red ink; debt-ridden households have clamped down on spending, thereby pulling the rug out from under the economy; unemployment is soaring; the country is in two wars; and the unmet social and environmental needs are vast. These conditions demand a fundamental realignment in strategy that ultimately comes back to … Will we pay for the government we need?

unquote

Sachs goes on to describe ways of closing the revenue hole.  Hey.  It made it to Time magazine.  Maybe it will make it to policy before it’s too late.

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Idiot of the Week — Paul Gigot of the Wall Street Journal

Posted in Uncategorized by demandside on January 13th, 2009

Plus Robert Kuttner on three serious dangers to the stimulus

In a moment we’ll get to the idiot of the week, featuring Paul Gigot (jhee GO) of the Wall Street Journal editorial page.  then we’ll get back to stimulus, and  we WILL get to Jeffrey Sachs before the week is out, but first a few bars of Robert Kuttner from a post on Huffington Post earlier this week.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-kuttner/memo-to-obama-think-bigge_b_156990.html

Memo to Obama: Think Bigger

by

There are three serious dangers in the debate about the stimulus package. The first is that President Obama will think too small. The second is that he will think too bipartisan. The third is that the public will be swayed by myths, such as the claim that infrastructure spending just takes too long to gear up, or that the deficit is the paramount problem.

The economy is now collapsing at an accelerating rate. With the 2008 job loss at the worst annual level since 1945, and even sound businesses unable to get ordinary credit from a traumatized banking system, this will quickly become a classic downward depression spiral unless government acts at a very large scale, and fast. The GDP probably shrank at a rate of at least five percent in the fourth quarter of 2008, and the nosedive will be worse this quarter.

There is simply no good news anywhere in the economy, as the costs of the financial crash keep reverberating. Yet a stimulus in the range of $400 billion a year is less than three percent of GDP. (It’s bizarre that the incoming administration uses two-year numbers. They only make the figure sound too large, rather than too small.)

The reality is that we need additional spending of at least a trillion dollars a year for at least two years. The only encouraging sign is that more and more mainstream economists and Democratic politicians are starting to say that the greater risk is that we will aim too low rather than too high. Even Martin Feldstein, who chaired Ronald Reagan’s Council of Economic Advisers, is a born-again Keynesian.

Unquote

The story is:

the economists and pundits represented on Sunday talk shows still have very little idea about the relatively simple mechanics of stimulus and the multiplier.  So used are they to the supply side dictum that corporations rule the economic landscape and strong corporations will save the day that when the curtain falls and the grand and glorious Oz is revealed, they refuse to see him or recognize the hubris as hubris, and when he is challenged they turn bitter or frightened and rush to the defense of his former glory.

Fortunately the gravity of the situation seems to have sobered more than a few, though not as here the editorial page editor of the beacon of Wall Street BS, Paul Gigot.   Bonus idiot Bethany McClain, contributing editor to Vanity Fair.

MCCLAIN

First of all, Bethany assumes wrongly that she is free from rule by conventional wisdom.  Hers is all too typical.  Perhaps we could call it conventional ignorance.  It pains me to unravel this noise.  Suffice it to say that it is fallacious to ascribe to those now calling for strong government action the opinion in earlier days that the housing mess was benign.  For the most part those who warned about housing are those now warning that strong action is needed.

As to How can we pay it back and will it work, in economics there is something called opportunity cost.  The true cost of doing something is only revealed when you compare it with the cost of not doing it or doing something else.  What is the opportunity cost of saving the economy?  Well, it is not saving the economy.  Then how do you finance basics?  Will it work?  Yes it will work.  Demand Side economics works.   If Bethany thinks she can hoard dollars as she trembles in the closet and somehow do better by the future than taking care of business, she is sadly mistaken.

But here is our headliner on Idiot of the Week, Paul Gigot.

GIGOT

Nobody has missed the Fed’s pumping money into the economy.  They have been agggressively expanding for more than a year.  We have missed any effect.  Monetary policy acts with a lag, but it was promised — by Gigot among others — that we’d be seeing some sign before now.  What sign do we have.

As fast as the Fed expands the money supply, the financial sector contracts it.  Or faster.

If monetary policy was supposed to produce this critical failure, we should have taken a pass.  Gigot is right to say the Fed has emptied both barrels, but he is absolutely inane not to notice the effort has not produced anything resembling recovery.

Asked whether tax cuts are as stimulative as direct spending, Gigot replies

GIGOT

Absent any evidence to support this idea and in the presence of $350 billion going into the banking sector for no effect, Mr. Gigot has the absolute inanity to make this claim.  The liquidity trap arises from the fact that businesses will not invest without the prospect of making a profit.  If he wants government to guarantee private profit, which he does, he is really, really stupid.

And somehow giving these subsidies to the corporate sector through the tax code is different in its effect on revenue than spending on human beings.  The immense deficit is the direct result of similar supply side shenanigans with the Bush tax cuts.  But Mr. Gigot cannot draw this conclusion.  Here, though, he does see that it happened.

GIGOT

The private sector spent it on acres of MacMansions that are worth substantially less three years later.  It spent it on environmental assault vehicles and fossil fuels.  It spent it on Wall Street bonuses.  The private sector spent it on a drunken binge that led to a crash.  Show me the great value the private sector has produced.  The willful ignoring of the climate crisis alone should be grounds for criminal prosecution, not Mr. Gigot’s congratulation.

GIGOT

I am tempted to leave this without comment.  Characterizing the first supply side fiasco as successful after it left us with huge deficits and a manufacturing sector that had moved out of the country is why Mr. Gigot is on today’s episode.

The incoming president needs to find another office to calculate the enormity of the cost of the crash so as to assess a levy on those responsible.  And you could do worse than start with this man.  Bravely soldiering on amidst a storm of derision, Mr. Gigot feigns coherence, but although the words have meaning in their sentences, they do not correspond to any facade left standing.

When the history of this time is written the bankers and brokers and Wall Street barons will be characterized as dazed and befuddled shamans of quasi-science or hucksters of the most outlandish sort.

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Romer and Bernstein on the Obama Stimulus

Posted in Uncategorized by demandside on January 11th, 2009

These two top economists of the new administration issue their guesses, we add our critique and that of Paul Krugman.

cites:  Romer-Bernstein Report on Job Creation from the Obama Recovery and Reinvestment plan

http://otrans.3cdn.net/45593e8ecbd339d074_l3m6bt1te.pdf

To finish the thought on stimulus.

We talked about a few basics on stimulus, the multiplier and so on on Friday, but we didn’t get through to the end.  And I failed to make the point that the stimulus will be overwhelmed by the economic contraction if the banking sector is not returned to some form of functionality.

Now Christina Romer and Jared Bernstein, the chief economists of the president and vice president respectively, have come out with a report on quote the job impact of the american recovery and reinvestment plan unquote, which is heavily focused on the multiplier and the impact of different stimulus measures.

So we’re going to spend the week, with the odd time out, looking at stimulus.  We’ll begin today with an account of the report, and before we’re done, we’ll complete our thought on what affects the multiplier, return to idiot of the week with Wall Street Journal editorial page editor Paul Gigot, and offer a note from Jeffrey Sachs excerpted from this week’s Time magazine, entitled “The Case for Bigger Government,” and if we’re lucky recount the sins of Ben Bernanke and Henry Paulson.

This last is to emphasize that it doesn’t matter if Obama comes with the perfect government stimulus, unless he also comes with radical reform of the banking sector, it will be like blowing against the wind.  He has spoken of unfreezing credit with part of the remainder of the TARP funds, along with housing assistance, but real radical reform that amounts to more than closing the barn door — the favorite reform of the current boys in power — needs to be enacted.  It is our great good fortune to have the president we have, who understands at least as well as 90 percent of economists what has to be done and better than 99 percent of economists what the political realities are.

To review.  Demand side economies operate on the strength of consumer demand, investment demand, and government demand.  The consumer, as we’ve said, is dead.  The best that can be hoped is that consumer demand can be stabilized.  Investment that follows the consumer will necessarily also be tepid.  Right now both are in free fall.

Government spending can come into the gap, but it needs a fully functioning financial sector to turn government demand into incomes into consumption into business investment.   Otherwise the multiplier dynamic is short-circuited.

The Romer-Bernstein report came out on Saturday.  Entitled “The Job Impact of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Plan,” the report is looking at the right metric — jobs, but it is hardly sophisticated.  Its estimates of the multipliers are precise, but the foundations of those estimates are vague.

They are based on a quote consensus of a broad range of economists and professional forecasters.”

As if (a) this consensus has been right at any time during the past two years and (b) has even thought about multipliers previous to the past three months.  The same broad range likely ascribed job creation to tax cuts in imitation of the supply side quackery that created our current combined budget fiasco and economic collapse.

Perhaps less Demand Side pique is appropriate.  Just notice as we go through that these assumptions are static, as if every dollar of this spending produces that multiplier no matter what the situation in the economy.  The cite for the report is up first on the transcript.

Romer and Bernstein use the rule of thumb that a one percent increase in GDP corresponds to 1 million jobs (or three-quarters percent employment growth).  They caution that the likely scale of employment loss is large, potentially totalling 5 million and predict that without a plan the unemployment rate would top out at 8.8 percent, while with the plan, we will still see 7.0 percent.  Well, we have 7.2 percent already.

Demand Side made the call on Friday that ten percent unemployment is baked into the current dynamics — if you can call a frozen economy dynamic.

Romer-Bernstein suggest that the Obama plan — we should stop here and make clear that there is no take it or leave it Obama plan; this report analyzes a generic approximation that will no doubt change — the Obama plan will produce or save between 3.3 and 4.1 million jobs.

The largest percent declines in employment over the past year by sector have been in construction and manufacturing.  Now quoting from the report, page eight:

While estimating the effects at the industry level is even more difficult than estimating aggregate effects, there are well-established cyclical differences across industries that underlie the qualitative results of this analysis. For example, the largest percentage declines in employment over the past year have been in construction and manufacturing.

The estimates suggest that 30% of the jobs created will be in construction and manufacturing, even though these industries employ only 15% of all workers.

Both sectors have been particularly hard hit recently. The other two significant sectors that are disproportionately represented in job creation are retail trade and leisure and hospitality (mining is also represented disproportionately, but employs less than 1% of all workers). Construction, manufacturing, retail trade, and leisure and hospitality all employ large numbers of low- and middle-income workers whose incomes have stagnated in recent decades and who have suffered greatly in the current recession.

The kinds of jobs are described as follows:

The recovery plan is likely to create jobs paying a range of wages. Significant shares of jobs are created in sectors that pay above average, such as construction and business services, as well as sectors that pay below average, such as retail trade and leisure/hospitality (hotels, restaurants).

Union representation is higher than average in some of the sectors in which the recovery package creates significant numbers of jobs. Union coverage in construction and manufacturing, which account for almost one-third of the jobs created by the package, are 14% and 11%, respectively, compared to 7.5% coverage for the private sector overall.

Along the same lines, recent research by Robert Pollin and Jeannette Wicks-Lim (available at http://www.peri.umass.edu/green_jobs) suggests that investments in green energy will create jobs that generally pay well above the typical wage. For example, compared to the national median wage of $15 in 2007, some of the jobs created by these investments include: electricians (median wage, $21.50/hour), carpenters ($18/hour), operations managers ($43/hour), and production supervisors ($23/hour). The occupation-weighted average wage in green energy jobs is about 20% above the national average.

Finally, in addition to creating high-quality jobs, the program is likely to improve existing jobs. One important way that it will do this is by moving workers from part-time to full-time work. Over the past year, as the overall unemployment rate has risen by 2.3 percentage points, the number of workers working part-time for economic reasons has risen by 3.4 million. This is a main reason why the underemployment rate rose to 13.5% in December compared to 8.7% a year earlier.

We estimate that our program will cause the unemployment rate to be about 1.8 points lower in 2010-Q4 than it otherwise would have been. If the same relationship between movements in overall unemployment and movements in workers working part-time for economic reasons holds for the effects of the recovery package, the program will allow about 1.8/2.3 times 3.4 million, or 2.7 million, workers to move from part time to full time. It will reduce the underemployment rate by more than three percentage points compared to its level in the absence of the recovery package.

Let’s turn to Paul Krugman’s critique here, before we conclude with ours.

More on Romer/Bernstein: Still picking over the Romer/Bernstein official evaluation of the Obama economic plan. Again, kudos to the team for producing such a clear, honest assessment. But the more I look at the report, the more I wonder why anyone in the Obama team thinks the plan is adequate.

Here’s one way to look at it: R/B show the effects of the plan rapidly fading out during 2011. Yet at the end of 2011 the unemployment rate is still 6.3%. Meanwhile, the CBO estimates the natural rate, aka “full employment,” at just 4.8%. Why does the plan go away with the job undone?

Add: By my calculations, the Obama plan is supposed to reduce average unemployment over the next two years from 8.7% to 7.6%; over the next three years, it reduces average unemployment from 8.4% to 7.3%. So it closes around a third of the gap between actual unemployment and the natural rate. Plus, an average rate of unemployment 2.5 percentage points above the natural rate for 3 years, starting with a core inflation rate of 2.5, looks like deflation city to me — and remember, that’s the projection with the Obama plan.

Paul Krugman

We wince whenever we hear mention of the natural rate of unemployment, an Alan Greenspan favorite that has little empirical evidence in its portfolio and is mostly an assumption derived from the assumption that spawns the notorious Phillips curve.

Our Demand Side critique is based on another false precision, that of the multiplier.  There are some algebraic certainties.  If all income were saved or spent in the current period, the multiplier would be the inverse of the consumption function.

This means a savings rate of five percent would generate a multiplier of twenty, light years above the top Romer/Bernstein multiplier of 1.57.  That is, 95 percent of income is spent.  The multiplier is the inverse of this consumption function.  The inverse of point nine-five is twenty.

Therefore not all income that is spent is spent on current consumption.  Well, duh.  There’s a big bunch at mortgages and credit.  Another part could be spent on imports.

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